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Review of  Analysing Political Discourse


Reviewer: Susana M. Sotillo
Book Title: Analysing Political Discourse
Book Author: Paul Chilton
Publisher: Routledge (Taylor and Francis)
Linguistic Field(s): Discourse Analysis
Sociolinguistics
Book Announcement: 16.1699

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Date: Fri, 27 May 2005 20:11:18 -0400
From: Susana Sotillo <sotillos@mail.montclair.edu>
Subject: Analysing Political Discourse: Theory and Practice

AUTHOR: Chilton, Paul
TITLE: Analysing Political Discourse
SUBTITLE: Theory and Practice
PUBLISHER: Routledge (Taylor and Francis)
YEAR: 2004

Susana M. Sotillo, Department of Linguistics, Montclair State University,
USA

SUMMARY

This book offers a comprehensive introduction to political discourse
analysis and presents a new model for the study of language and politics
that rests on the intersection of several deictic dimensions. The author
puts forth a theoretical framework based on a cognitivist perspective,
which claims that social interaction is based on the actions of
individuals, and that these individuals are primarily complex neural
beings. He questions the current explanation of political discourse in
Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as the actions of some social group or
elite that exploits or controls language in order to preserve its own
power. Instead, Chilton aims for a theory of language and politics that
rests on the intersection of three axes: space, time, and modality. The
book is divided into three sections. Part I presents the proposed
theoretical framework. Parts II and III include detailed analyses of
samples of political text and talk, and Part IV offers concluding thoughts
concerning the need for a theory of language and politics. The book
includes 11 chapters (205 pages of text), an appendix, notes on each
chapter, a bibliography, and name and subject indexes.

SYNOPSIS

The first chapter, Politics and Language, explores the linguistic,
discursive, and communicative dimensions of politics drawing in part on
Aristotle's view of humans as political creatures with a unique capacity
for speech. The author speculates about the possible connection between
the linguistic and the political in light of the view, widely accepted in
linguistics, that the human capacity for language is genetically based,
though primarily triggered through social interaction. Chilton explores
the possibility that language might have evolved to perform social
functions, which would correspond to the "political", or that it evolved
primarily by a random mutation. He summarizes the findings of numerous
scholars who have investigated the role of language in the construction
(or destruction) of nation-states, and touches upon the current debate on
the rights of linguistic minorities and cultural groups (see Foster, 1980.)

In chapter two, Language and Politics, Chilton examines the nature of
language, (subscript L), particular languages, (subscript l), and the use
of language in relation to politics, (subscript l/u). He discusses the re-
emergence of Darwinian evolutionary theory and the development of new
methods of investigation grounded in cognitive science, computational
linguistics, archeology, sociology, neuroscience, and philosophy. Chilton
also presents the three major approaches to the evolution of language: the
species-specific ability for language capacity exemplified by Chomskyan
linguistics; the social intelligence language module view (e.g., Humphrey
1976, Dunbar, 1993, Mithen, 1996); and the "Machiavellian" behavior view
which presumes that early human individuals sought to developed strategies
to maximize individual advantages through reciprocal altruism.

In seeking answers to questions related to the evolutionary advantage
afforded by language, Chilton examines the notions of representation and
meta-representation, or the ability humans possess of being able to
communicate about things feasible, unfeasible, past, future, real, unreal,
citing work by Sperber (2000), Gärdenfors (2002), and Hockett (1960). This
leads him to speculate on the possibility of the co-evolution of language
and politics. Grice's 'cooperative Principle (CP), which underlies human
communication and is regarded as reciprocal altruism, as well as Sperber
and Wilson's (1986) relevance theory, are discussed in detail. He examines
truthfulness (Grice's maxim of quality), the logical structure of human
cooperation as argued by Cosmides and Tooby (1989), and the species-
specific ability to meta-represent.

The last section includes a lengthy discussion of Chomskyan linguistics,
specifically the principle of generative creativity. Chilton seeks to
establish a link between Chomsky's linguistics, where grammar is
understood as autonomous syntax based on Cartesian formalist philosophy
(i.e., disembodied and free of semantic and pragmatic considerations), and
his anarchist-socialist political views. In Chomskyan political
philosophy, rule by a government is inherently oppressive, and Capitalism
is a perversion of universal human nature (see Lakoff and Johnson, 1999:
478).
Chilton makes an argument for cognitive freedom claiming that
the 'generative creativity' of language allows individuals to overcome the
so-called Whorfian constraint. In discussing the ideal of free
communication, he cites the work of critical social theorist Jürgen
Habermas who posits that communication is distorted by issues of power and
socio-political interests, but that it is possible in principle to achieve
honest normal social exchange. In other words, the communicative power of
reason, or reason freed from purposive bias, allows humans to reach true
enlightenment through interaction (see Myerson, 1994).

Interaction, the organizing theme of chapter three, is examined in
relation to its political dimension. Chilton discusses Austin's (1962) and
Searle's (1969) classical speech act theory and examines the felicity
conditions and CP in relation to a political framework. The mechanisms for
flouting the maxims and the implied pragmatic meaning or implicatures are
also discussed within the context of political interaction as in
particular institutionalized contexts such as Parliamentary debates.

In a micro-analysis of political interaction, Chilton utilizes notational
conventions from conversation analysis developed by Schegloff (1972, 1979)
and Sacks, Schegloff, and Jefferson (1974) that reveal fine details of
face-to-face (F2F) interaction. Following a brief discussion of the
strategic use of language, the author focuses on the Habermasian
epistemological framework and its four validity claims: understandability,
truth, sincerity in speech, and rightness or authority in performing a
particular speech act. Habermas's universal pragmatics model asserts that
its claims provide a logical explanation for the mechanism of human
communication, and that distorted communication can be detected in
interaction.

Concerning strategic uses of language in political discourse, the author
puts forth the following strategic functions (Chilton and Schäffner,
1997): coercion, legitimization and delegitimization, and representation
and misrepresentation. He claims that representation and misrepresentation
in political discourse are directly related to Grice's maxims of quantity,
quality, and manner, and Habermas's validity claims of truth and
truthfulness. Coercion strategies are connected to some of Habermas's
rightness or "Richtigkeit" claim.

Also, the strategies of legitimization and delegitimization are linked to
Brown and Levinson's (1987) concepts of face-threatening acts, which are
based on Goffman's (1967) ideas of positive face and negative face. Thus
acts of negative other-presentation such as scapegoating, marginalizing,
or derogating constitute delegitimization, whereas legitimization, usually
oriented to the self, encompasses positive self-presentation or acts of
self-praise, self-justification, and self-identification with a power
source or authority figure.

Chapter four deals with the way representations of the world are
communicated in political interaction. Semantics and pragmatics, or the
nature of meaning and meaning as a function of context, are discussed in
relation to the study of language and politics. Chilton investigates how
mental representations of reality are constructed during the process of
interaction in political discourse, and discusses cognitive approaches to
linguistics in processing discourse in the work of van Dijk (1990, 2002)
and van Dijk and Kintsch (1983). This approach explains how knowledge of
politics and political ideologies involves storage in long-term memory,
which can be either personal memory or social memory, and how short-term
memory deals primarily with processes of discourse production and
understanding.

The term 'frame' is introduced and defined as a theoretical construct
related to the conceptualization of situation types and their expression
in language. He also discusses conceptual metaphor, an important element
of political rhetoric, which "allows conventional mental imagery from
sensorimotor domains to be used for domains of subjective experience"
(Lakoff and Johnson, 1999: 45). Metaphorical mappings are also discussed
as complex bundles of meaning and frame representations that consist of
accumulated cultural knowledge.

In doing practical analyses of text and talk, Chilton uses a theoretical
framework that allows him to make propositional representations consisting
of arguments (e.g., noun phrases), predicates (e.g., verbs, adjectives,
and prepositional phrases), and adjuncts, which specify location, time,
and manner. Citing Dowty (1991), Chilton explains that the thematic roles
of arguments have to be understood as clusters of entailments about the
predicate, and that traditional roles (e.g., agent, source, patient,
experiencer, goal) must be linked to one of two prototypical categories:
prototypical agent (P-Agent) and prototypical patient (P-Patient). The
semantic phenomenon of presupposition is explained as being triggered by
syntactic and lexical structures. He displays the propositional
representations (Table 4.1) of unpacked sentences from a transcript of a
speech given in 1999 by former President Clinton to justify the use of air
strikes against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) in alliance with
NATO. Serbian forces are represented as responsible agents of brutality
and Kosovo civilians and insurgents as victims of brutality in Kosovo.

Chilton also shows how indexical expressions are used as linguistic
resources to relate to a variety of situational features, and elaborates
on spatial, temporal, and social deixis since these relate to elements of
political discourse. Thus political actors are situated in relation to a
particular time, place, and social group. In this three-dimensional model,
the deictic center (e.g., the Self/I/or we) constitutes the source or
origin of the three dimensions of deixis. Clinton's 1999 speech is mapped
onto a three-dimensional deixis. Events, nations, agents, and patients are
located in relation to the Self or speaker. Time or the here/now is also
at the center, and in this type of political speech, historical periods
are either close or remote to the source. Along the m axis, Chilton
describes close connections between epistemic modality (involving degrees
of certainty) and deontic modality (related to permission and obligation),
commonly regarded as scales.

More complexity is added to the proposed dimensions of deixis by
suggesting that social groups are conceptualized metaphorically on the
basis of container and center-periphery image schemata. A rightness-
wrongness scale along the m axis is added, showing primarily modal verbs
(will, must, should, ought, etc.) though other linguistic expressions
could easily be used. Chilton's argument is that individuals mentally
processing political speeches will locate arguments and predicates in
relation to the three axes of space, time, and modality. He also brings up
the notion of presumptions (implicit or presumed claims) present in
political discourse.

In Part II, the Domestic Arena, Chilton examines the micro-structure of
the media interview (chapter five). Margaret Beckett, Labour MP and Leader
of the House of Commons (HC) is interviewed by John Humphrys on BBC Radio
in June 2001. Using conventions from conversation analysis, Chilton
explains how participants are aware of recent political history, social
structures, and customs of discourse beyond the context of the local
interview. For example, Beckett's comments about William Hague, the
Conservative Party leader, reveal her concern with the impact of his
speech on voters, since they may decide not to vote thus hurting the
Labour party. The interaction in this media interview shows how the ideal
question-answer format is in fact disrupted by Humphrys' frequent
interruptions of Beckett's responses, and her own challenges and
interruptions of the interviewer's deontic (rightness) frames.

Propositions and presumptions are closely examined in the Humphrys-Beckett
interview. The presumed knowledge of political institutions, party system,
and electoral processes are displayed in Table 5.1. Political reasoning
using conditional propositions (knowledge of cause and effect) is also
analyzed in a separate table (5.2), illustrating the embedding of
propositions in interview talk (e.g., argument-P-Agent, predicate
relation, action, etc., Argument 2-P-Patient, adjunct/conjunct). Chilton
argues that this type of micro-analysis shows how Grice's CP and the
conversational maxims are preserved in this type of political text and
talk. The analysis also shows how Humphrys, the interviewer, uses frames
of beliefs about democracy and overt deontic expressions such as 'be
allowed,' to lead Beckett into logical dilemmas that force her to
reformulate her explanation of 'non-voting as a rejection of the
government' by using analogy, in particular the voting patterns of US
presidential elections.

The characteristics of a particular genre of democratic discourse,
Parliamentary language, are examined in chapter six. Following an
historical account of institutional rules, turn-taking rules, and
mechanisms for regulating this genre, Chilton describes what happens in
parliamentary question time by examining repairs in a transcript of a
parliamentary debate in the HC, 7 July 1999. A new MP, Laxton, puts
questions that are really statements until the opposition MPs interrupt
following Laxton's falling intonation at the end of speech segment, which
enables the Speaker to use the imperative, 'put your question now please'
as a means of controlling the syntactic form and pragmatic force of the
MP's utterances. Prime Minister Blair's response to Laxton's requests
concerning a community hospital focuses on the order of salience and he
repeats the word 'agree' twice and the phrase 'he's right' three times to
elicit a chorus of approval from Labour MPs. Chilton characterizes this
activity as a form of bonding as well as bounding behavior among members.
Laxton appears to be seeking public commitment from the current government
and approval from his peers and constituents through self-advertising via
this televised performance. The parliamentary debate analyzed shows that
in this type of political discourse one has to demonstrate some basic
mastery of appropriate language and political behavior.

Next, Chilton analyzes parliamentary exchanges between seasoned leaders
such as Prime Minister Tony Blair and opposition leader MP William Hague.
At one point Hague is criticizing the waiting time for access to health
services using interrogatives, presuppositions, and hand gestures to
accompany rising-falling intonation contours, which Chilton interprets as
meaning challenges since prosodic features often accompanied by gestures
are part of the parliamentary performance. Blair interrupts to save face
and quickly asserts that waiting time has decreased. After Blair seats
himself, Hague accuses him of evasion and makes reference to the poor
conditions under which junior doctors labor, but makes a slip of the
tongue when referring to the head of the British Medical Association using
the acronym MBA instead of BMA, which prompts the MPs to interrupt with
laughter since Hague has not mentally registered his slip. He then
corrects himself after what is seen as other-initiated self-repair. Hague
uses gestures and manipulates vocalization in order to mitigate the
adversarial effect of a derisive interruption, and following the
intervention of Madam Speaker, attempts to reassert verbal control by
eventually returning to the question of the number of people waiting to
see a doctor.

Chilton's close examination of repairs when parliamentary rules are
transgressed reveals that they are often used as mechanisms for
initiation, bonding, and bounding. His detailed analysis of parliamentary
discourse demonstrates how verbal and political behavior are interwoven,
and although form is important, performance is crucial in this context.

The theme of foreigners as a threatening category is discussed in chapter
seven. Using a portion of Enoch Powell's 1968 'Rivers of Blood' speech,
Chilton illustrates the strategic functions utilized to bring about
specific emotive effects. For example, when Powell states that "Whole
areas, towns and parts of towns across England ... will be occupied by
sections of the immigrant and immigrant-descended population..." it brings
up the fear of domination and invasion by immigrant hordes in the minds of
native-born (white) English citizens. He shows that the various
legitimizing/delegitimizing strategies used by Powell cluster around
claims of moral authority, common moral ground, and superior rationality
(his). Hearers are left to infer that Powell's political opponents are
neither moral nor rational with respect to the issue of immigration.
Container and fluid schema are also used when referring to the English
nation and family. In the propositional structure of Powell's 'Rivers of
Blood' speech, immigrants are depicted as social agents whose impact
negatively affects the welfare of the existing native population -- the
patients or victims at the receiving end of actions, perceptions, and
feelings. Presupposed propositions are also examined within argument
structures.

Next, Chilton examines a transcript from the 1997 inquiry into the Stephen
Lawrence murder which took place in London, on 22 April 1993
(http://www.archive.official-documents.co.uk/document/cm42/4262/ap10-
156.htm). The transcript is based on a conversation among three of the
murder suspects. He utilizes the methodological grid provided by the
notions of legitimization, coercion, and representation in order to obtain
insights into the type of discourse produced by a self-supporting group.
One of the most significant findings of this analysis is that background
knowledge of Powell's 1968 speech and his opinions regarding blacks were
known and referred to by the interactants for purposes of self-
legitimization. Violent image schematas and shared racist ideology emerge
through the use of question-answer pairs, rhetorical questions, and vulgar
intensifiers.

Chapters eight, nine, and ten are included in Part III, the global arena.
Here the author focuses on the conceptualization of geopolitical space. In
chapter eight, he analyzes Clinton's address to the nation on 24 March
1999 for the justification of American and NATO involvement in the
destruction of the FRY. In his analysis, Chilton ably shows how space
builders and cognitive frames in propositions are used to appeal to the
hearers' background knowledge of institutions, history, and American
values: "(a) joined (our armed forces, our NATO allies) -- space builders:
our, our today, -ed; cognitive frames: America, armed forces, alliances"
(page 139). Presuppositions, as well as arguments and predicates are
analyzed and visually represented as deictically specified reality spaces
that depend on the speaker's deictically specified reality space (Figure
8.1, page 141).

The speaker assumes that hearers possess both geographical and political
knowledge about the events unfolding and that they share with the speaker
moral categories (e.g., exists brutality in Kosovo). Causation or agency
is attributed to the Serbian armed forces in Clinton's discourse thus
justifying air strikes. Events described in Clinton's speech are located
in a historical time-event narrative (e.g., Kosovo, Central Europe, Cold
War, First World War (WWI), Second World War (WWII), the Holocaust, etc.)
and are illustrated on spatial, temporal, and modal axes (Figure 8.2).
Further analysis of metonymy (Sarajevo for WWI), metaphor (fire and flames
of ethnic and religious division), and center-periphery schemas compel the
hearer or receiver of the speech/text to make the necessary inferences
with respect to the events unfolding such as the possibility that these
events will escalate beyond Kosovo and affect American interests.

Chilton also presents visual representations of metaphor supporting
inferences concerning events from the center (self/we/us/here/now). He
suggests four tendencies in the manipulation of ontological spaces in
Clinton's 1999 speech: the mobilization of conceptual schemas; the linking
of historical episodes to draw conclusions by analogy; the linking of
temporally remote spaces with the space of the speaker and hearer in the
here and now; and the triggering of inference chains that inaction causes
potentially dangerous consequences. Though Chilton's analysis appears to
capture the essence of Clinton's text/speech, it is important to keep in
mind that ordinary Americans would not have access to the type of recent
historical and political background knowledge that would indeed
delegitimize Clinton's use of air strikes against the FRY (see Michael
Parenti's (2000) "To Kill a Nation" for a historical perspective on NATO's
war crimes under American command.)

Chapter nine presents Chilton's analyses of the talk and text that
followed the events of the September 11, 2001 destruction of the twin
towers and simultaneous attack on the Pentagon. Images of the World Trade
Center and the Pentagon, along with historical and social components of
shared American culture background knowledge are represented in the minds
of people who heard the speech of President George W. Bush on 7 October
2001. Likewise, historical information about the fundamentalist Islamic
revolution in Iran during the Carter era, the plight of the Palestinian
people, Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, and America's military intervention
known as Operation Desert Storm form part of the historical and political
background knowledge of many Americans, Islamic followers, and residents
of the Middle East.

Chilton also examines the cognitive implications of historical and
metaphorical representations in the text of Osama bin Laden as processed
by hearers/readers, as well as the spatial, temporal, and modal
structuring of Bush's speech and bin Laden's text. In Figure 9.1 he plots
the distance from we (self/speaker, United States, we, Great Britain,
other close friends, etc.) on the s-axis following the discourse sequence
in Bush's speech. Spatial representations are also produced for relative
distances in geopolitical space (we, here, now, true/right (speaker) vs.
they/Afghanistan) and for distance and deictic polarization (Figures 9.2
and 9.3). The author points out that some sentences can be processed at
the spatial level but others only at the propositional-conceptual level.
An additional spatial representation of polarizations through conditionals
and metaphor is shown in Figure 9.4.

The English translation of Osama bin Laden's text broadcast by Jazeera
television is also analyzed in terms of its interwoven political and
theological mental representation. Though it is historically accurate to
state that in American discourse the political has been separated from the
religious, this appears to be changing with the reelection of George W.
Bush. Chilton renders representations of God in both Islamic and Judeo-
Christian traditions as conceptualized on spatial axes and scales (Figure
9.5). He locates God at the extreme end of s (where s represents the three
physical spatial dimensions) by assuming his conceptualization as remote
on the vertical dimension so as to explain bin Laden's expressions, "God
is above us," "has power over us." But he cautions that this would not be
an accurate conceptualization of God among American Christian
fundamentalists who often claim that God is on their side. In terms of the
vertical dimension, it would be at the close end of s. Figures 9.6 and 9.7
are multidimensional representations of the location of entities in Bush's
text (we, the United States), and of the moral values vocabulary in the
translated bin Laden text, respectively.

Thus Chilton's discourse processor, embedded in Western cultural
practices, shows how multi-dimensional deictic space is divided into two
regions that highlight the striking parallel between the Bush and bin
Laden conceptualizations of geographical, geopolitical, cultural, and
moral space.

The role of religion is further explored in chapter ten. Bush's speech of
14 September 2001 at St. Patrick's cathedral and its presumptions about
religion are compared with the bin Laden text, its presumptions,
analogies, and entailments. Both texts invoke historical and theological
background knowledge shared by two different audiences, a westernized
American public and Muslim and Middle Eastern receivers, who mentally
process different representations of the world. Cognitive frames and
metaphors are analyzed in both texts which reveal that whereas in the bin
Laden text there is no separation between the religious and the secular,
and sacred space seems to extend over an entire region, the Bush text
shows that God is partly hidden and oriented with his face toward the
speaker's own face, in a more intimate local space. Chilton speculates
about the nature of religious belief and prayer in public discourse in the
American text in light of the currently contested secular/religious
separation in American society (see also Lakoff, 2004).

The chapter concludes with a speculation about the possible linkage
between historical intimations and religious presumptions present in
Bush's presidential discourse during a crisis situation. There is a
possible implication in this speech that by attacking America, bin Laden
is inhibiting the spread of freedom, which represents interference with
the possibility of choosing moral ends (the Kantian metaphor). 'Moral
ends' in this sense implies American cultural and economic values. Chilton
concludes by stating that this mode of argumentation rests on the spatial
model he has developed and explored in chapters eight through ten.

Chapter 11, Part IV of the book, presents Chilton's concluding thoughts
concerning a theory of language and politics. He explores the question of
what it means to communicate in the 21st century across societies,
culture, and languages but remains primarily focused on F2F interaction.
He thus leaves out a very important realm in which millions of humans
communicate on a daily basis: virtual space or the Internet.

Chilton goes on to speculate about the relationship between language
ability and political ability, which hints at a possible evolutionary
explanation for political ability, and urges the reader to move beyond the
limited views of political discourse in current CDA research by taking
into account recent findings from cognitive science that show how
conceptual metaphors, reason, and human actions are shaped by our bodies,
brains, and modes of functioning in the world. Thus he adopts a broad
cognitivist perspective in his book which is consistent with the claims of
Lakoff and Johnson (1999) and recent findings of second-generation
cognitive science; namely, "that our unconscious conceptual systems make
use of multiple metaphors and prototypes, especially in the area of
metaphors for what is right and what is good and ought to be
pursued."(1999:559).

In proposing a new theoretical framework, Chilton borrows ideas from
Aristotle, Chomsky, evolutionary theorists, and cognitive scientists, and
posits hypotheses based on descriptive and explanatory analyses of
political texts. Twelve propositions are advanced concerning political
discourse, of which two constitute major claims: that political discourse
has specific connections to the emotional centers of the brain, and that
it is anchored in multi-dimensional deixis. He concludes his ambitious
task by urging researchers to focus on the processes of the mind in order
to enhance our understanding of our political human nature, and move away
from purely critical approaches to the analysis of political discourse.

CRITICAL EVALUATION

This text is not for those without basic background knowledge in areas
such as rhetoric, generative linguistics, social theory, speech act
theory, and cognitive science. I would recommend it for graduate students
seriously interested in theoretical approaches to the study of language
and politics. Those investigating linguistic strategies and propositional
structures in political discourse should refer to the author's detailed
micro-analyses of language samples of political interviews (chapter 5),
parliamentary debates (chapter 6), and xenophobic speeches and talk
(chapter 7).

Though the author presents a novel theoretical framework for the analysis
of political discourse, I found his use of the multi-dimensional spatial
model to deictically represent specified reality spaces from linguistic
analyses of political texts in chapters 8, 9, and 10 sometimes difficult
to follow. Moreover, one wonders how it would be possible to utilize this
multi-dimensional model in the analysis of large numbers of political
texts or on different types of political discourse data since the author
never explains his methodology for compiling a corpus of political texts.

It is not clear how these political texts were collected and whether or
not they are principled and representative of various genres of political
discourse. Surely a combination of methodologies could be used to analyze
political discourse that would allow researchers to generalize beyond a
particular sample of political text or discourse genre. For example, in a
discussion of the discourse-pragmatic functions of remember, Tao (2001)
successfully shows that corpus linguistic tools and sociocultural
linguistic analyses can be treated as complementary methodologies.

Despite some methodological shortcomings and problematic speculations
about the possible connection between innate political tendencies of
humans and their innate linguistic abilities, "Analysing Political
Discourse" is provocative and offers readers a unique international
perspective. The author's in-depth linguistic analyses of various
contemporary samples of political discourse bring to light different
mental representations of political thought and behavior. Given its broad
scope, "Analysing Political Discourse" would be a valuable resource for
researchers in the fields of discourse analysis, English, linguistics,
sociolinguistics, and communication studies.

TYPOS
p. 26 ('is' missing after 'recursivity')
p. 48 ('of' missing)

REFERENCES

Foster, C., ed. (1980). Nations without a State. New York, NJ: Praeger
Publishers.

Lakoff, G. (2004). Don't think of an elephant. White River Junction, VT:
Chelsea Green Publishing Company.

Lakoff, G., & Johnson, M. (1999). Philosophy in the Flesh. New York, NY:
Basic Books.

Myerson, G. (1994). Rhetoric, Reason and Society. London: Sage
Publications.

Parenti, M. 2000. To Kill a Nation (The Attack of Yugoslavia). London:
Verso.

Tao, H. (2001). Discovering the Usual with Corpora: The Case of Remember.
In Corpus Linguistics in North America, ed. R. C. Simpson and J. M.
Swales, 16-144. Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press.




 
ABOUT THE REVIEWER:
ABOUT THE REVIEWER


Susana M. Sotillo is Associate Professor of Linguistics at Montclair State
University in New Jersey and teaches Theories of Second Language
Acquisition (SLA), the Structure of American English, the Language of
Propaganda, and Language and Culture. Her current research interests
include Computer-Mediated Communication and SLA, Corpus Linguistics, and
Critical Discourse Analysis.


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