This book presents a new theory of grammatical categories - the Universal Spine Hypothesis - and reinforces generative notions of Universal Grammar while accommodating insights from linguistic typology.
Date: Mon, 7 Feb 2005 11:13:46 +0100 From: Hans Schmidt <email@example.com> Subject: Pacific Pidgins and Creoles: Origins, Growth and Development
AUTHORS: Tryon, Darrell T.; Charpentier, Jean-Michel TITLE: Pacific Pidgins and Creoles SUBTITLE: Origins, Growth and Development SERIES: Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs 132 PUBLISHER: Mouton de Gruyter YEAR: 2004
Hans Schmidt, Abteilung fuer Indonesische und Suedseesprachen, Asien-Afrika-Institut, Universitaet Hamburg
Chapter 1 is an Introduction to the topic as well as an Introduction of the two authors of this volume and their long acquaintance with the Pacific, especially Vanuatu. Chapters 3 and 10 were written by Jean-Michel Charpentier, researcher at the LACITO (Laboratoire de Langues et Civilisations à Tradition Orale) and CNRS (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique), Paris, France. Chapters 4 to 9 mainly by Darrell T. Tryon, Professor at the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, the remaining chapters jointly.
Chapter 2 is a short overview of nine present-day Pacific Pidgin languages: the three Melanesian Pidgins, Hawaiian and Nauruan Pidgin English, Broken and Australian Kriol, Pitcairn-Norfolk and the Ngatik Men's language. They all have English as their lexifier; some of them have become creolised. Their current status and number of speakers is given, though not divided into first- and second-language speakers. The two Australian varieties are not treated elsewhere in the book. At the end a Bonin Islands Pidgin and Palmerston English are briefly mentioned, but then declared to be "beyond the scope of this book, which has as its primary focus the English-lexifier pidgins and creoles of Melanesia and its close neighbours." Footnote 34 on page 149 extends this taboo: "Hawaiian pidgin and pidgin Hawaiian are not treated in this study as they are marginal ..." - Is that fair to the customer? The book's title promises a treatise on "Pacific Pidgins and Creoles" and not only the "Melanesian" ones.
In Chapter 3, Charpentier outlines previous theories of pidgin development in the Pacific. A brief summary of Bickerton's "extreme universalist theory" known as the Language Bioprogram Hypothesis is followed by the presentation of the ideas of "partisans of the preponderance of substrate influence": Mühlhäusler, Clark, Keesing, and Crowley. There is also a section on Tom Dutton and Jakelin Troy whose work on Queensland Canefields English (QCE) and New South Wales Pidgin (NSW) is presented as "the missing link" in the genesis of Pacific Pidgins.
The following six chapters are arranged as three pairs: one relating the history of contacts and the following one the language situation for a given period of time. Contacts mean those between Europeans and Pacific Islanders and Islander to Islander.
The first two "deal with the period 1788-1863, that is, from the first European settlement of Sydney until the beginning of the Plantation period in Queensland and the Pacific Islands, 1863." The next two with the period 1863-1906, that is, until the end of labour recruiting. The third time frame is 1906-1975, "from the approximate founding of the British and French colonies in Melanesia until the time when they became independent sovereign states."
Chapter 4 is entitled "Early days: History of the contacts 1788-1863. First the "Australian scene" is covered, detailing the growing interaction between European invaders and Australian Aborigines. The second part is devoted to maritime links between Australia and the South Pacific Islands. Evidence is cited for shipping links between Sydney and the Pacific, esp. Tahiti and Pohnpei.
In Chapter 5 we find an assessment of the language situation during the same period (1788-1863). Again, the first section deals with Australia. There is a sample of NSW Pidgin and a glossary of places and dates of earliest recorded usage taken from Troy 1994. Examples of Pidgin from the New Hebrides, Pohnpei, Kosrae, Ngatik, Tahiti and the Marquesas, the Loyalty Islands and New Caledonia are quoted from early 19th century literature on the Pacific. The last section is taken up by a Pacific Pidgin glossary for the period, based mainly on Baker & Mühlhäusler 1996, also listing places and dates of earliest recorded usage.
The next two chapters cover the period 1863-1906. Chapter 6 describes the history of contacts on the plantations overseas (in Queensland, Fiji, Samoa, New Caledonia, Hawaii and French Polynesia) and "at home", i.e. in the three Melanesian countries of origin of the labourers. There are ten tables listing the place of origin of the plantation labourers in various countries, four tables listing the destinations of recruits from the three Melanesian countries.
Chapter 7 is entitled "Jargon to pidgin: The language situation 1863- 1906". Examples of 19th century NSW Pidgin are contrasted with samples from Melanesia and other Pacific areas. In the second part of this chapter, the authors present transcripts of interviews recorded in the 1960s with the two last speakers of Queensland Canefields English (QCE) and aged speakers of Bislama, presumably as specimens of Pidgins of the period 1863-1906. 35 features are listed which differentiate this archaic Bislama from modern speech, and 25 out of the 35 are also found in QCE. The conclusion is that "there was a common Pacific Pidgin pool, with variant forms (such as laik/olsem, onli/nomo) which gradually differentiated into the three sister dialects Bislama, Solomons Pijin and Tok Pisin."
The next two chapters cover the period 1906-1975. Chapter 8 describes the History of contacts during the "Colonial days, 1906-1975". It is limited to Melanesia, half of it devoted to the New Hebrides Condominium. Labour recruiting shifted from overseas plantations to local ones. Tables are given to show the destinations of recruits, the islands of origin of the labourers on British and French plantations, even the size and the owner's name of each plantation. Similar statistics of indentured labour are presented for New Guinea and Papua and the Solomons including ten maps giving the location of the plantations.
After the Second World War, urbanisation became the main force to bring people speaking different languages together.
Chapter 9 is entitled "Differentiation: The language situation 1906-1975" and begins with a brief overview of the "overall language situation at the beginning of the 20th century."
In the section on the New Hebrides, we find a discussion of the various source languages of the Bislama lexicon. It "went on to add a significant number of borrowings from local Vanuatu vernaculars and French as the [20th] century progressed." This is followed by Bislama utterances quoted from different sources of that period, often reflecting the attitude of the [white] writer towards the language. It is interesting to note that Bislama was also the lingua franca between French and British planters in the Condominium. In shorter sections Tok Pisin and Solomons Pijin are treated similarly.
Finally some "differential elements" of the Pidgin varieties of the three Melanesian colonies are presented: lexical differences and also grammatical ones (although the authors had stated in footnote 69 on p.366 that "No commentary on the morphology and syntax of Bislama, Solomon Pijin or Tok Pisin is provided ..."). The authors conclude that Melanesian pidgins "had a long shared history in the 19th century" and their differentiation really started at the end of the recruiting period.
Charpentier contributed Chapter 10 entitled "Today's world: 1975 to the present". Here the role of the three Melanesian Pidgin varieties in politics and education of each country is described, two thirds of the chapter being devoted to Vanuatu's Bislama, one fifth to Papua New Guinea's [PNG] Tok Pisin, the rest to Solomons Pijin.
The final chapter presents the overall conclusions on five pages: "the unity of all English-lexifier Pacific Pidgins, all historically related in one way or another ..." The summary includes a short sketch of "the developmental path of English-lexifier Pacific pidgins and creoles" and the difficulties are mentioned of assigning labels to their predecessors such as "unstable jargon" or "stable pidgin". The "central role played by [the port of] Sydney in the development of Pacific Pidgins" is stressed. For the future, an "ever increasing creolisation and expansion" of the Melanesian pidgins is predicted.
Appended are Vanuatu's Constitution of 1980 in Bislama, 30 maps, a list of References and an Index.
This book provides a historical account of the development of Melanesian Pidgin English, esp. Bislama of Vanuatu. I learned a lot about its history and enjoyed reading it, e.g. a quote of Vanuatu's Prime Minister Walter Lini (on p. 433): "The only reason to teach Bislama in schools would be to read it and write it. This would require standardisation, and it would take the life out of it." Or indirectly (on p. 423): "Walter [Lini] does not care about the Constitution. Once he is in power, he will not be bothered with it!" I also liked their comment (on page 470) that "... overseas NGOs ... are often more concerned about proselytism than the protection of local cultures."
Aside from a historical treatise I had also expected a linguistic analysis or comparison of Pacific Pidgins. Tryon and Charpentier (T&C) "...have attempted ... to demonstrate the unity of all English-lexifier Pacific Pidgins ..." (page 479) and do so mainly by relating the "long shared history [of the Melanesian pidgins] in the 19th century". It is laudable that they brought the findings of Troy and Dutton about the influence of the port of Sydney and the plantations in Queensland on Pacific Pidgins to the attention of a broader audience. Figure 9 on page 376 (taken from Mühlhäusler 1985) sums up the various influences on Tok Pisin. I would have liked to see many more like this one.
I appreciated that the authors introduce themselves and their connection with Melanesia right at the start of the book. Though it is a pity that the second author did not include the "numerous articles and book chapters" in this book's References which "he has published on Pacific pidgins and creoles" (page 2) except Charpentier 1979a, 1982b and 1997.
But why didn't they introduce the topic equally carefully? The reader is showered with technical terms like "trade language, contact language, early pidgin vs. expanded pidgin, stable vs. unstable pidgin, jargon, jargonised English, substandard variety of English, early Bislama or sandalwood English, Queensland pidgin vs. Queensland Canefields English," etc. One has to read a long way until a definition is offered, if at all. I found a definition of Tok Masta on p.382 and one of "stabilised pidgin" in footnote 72 on p. 375. Other definitions I found rather confusing, like Tok Pisin being called "a development of the trade jargons and Sandalwood English ..." (p.457) and Solomons Pijin a "contact vernacular" and not a vernacular (p.474). Elsewhere they speak of a "local vernacular" - what then is a simple "vernacular"? On page 413 the local languages (as opposed to Pidgin) are called "ancestral languages".
T&C call a Pidgin "not stabilised" while and because it has competing forms (homonyms?) - Should we call English not stabilised because it also has competing forms?
Table 25 on page 301 lists the names of the owners and the size of French plantations in the New Hebrides - what is that good for? Tables 26+27+29+30+36 are similar - is all that detail really necessary? When there are long lists of plantations in the text and their geographical location is given on several maps, I would presume that their location or ownership had an impact on the pidgin spoken there but the authors did not elaborate on that. In general; I would have preferred to find the maps close to the text they refer to instead of in an appendix at the end of the book.
In a work of over 500 pages on Pacific Pidgins, I would have expected tables with other statistics. I am curious about the growth of the number of first and second-language speakers of these Pidgins/Creoles (only figures for PNG 1977 quoted on p. 455) and the changes in the degree of urbanisation, for instance. This point is briefly touched on page 480 ("After about 1975, plantation life in Island Melanesia wound right down, accompanied by significant migration from rural to urban areas."), but again there are no figures to illustrate this statement. Similarly "an opposition between the pidgin spoken in urban centers and that of the islands and territory beyond, the rural zone" is claimed on page 480, but I would have liked to see evidence of it.
On page 462, some PNG newspapers are listed, but only their titles, not their contents or size nor the circulation. What about other media? According to T&C, "Bislama is already written on a daily basis in certain sectors (radio, agriculture)." (page 450). But even if people like me cannot read the radio, to what extent is Pidgin spoken or sung on the radio or TV? How does that compare to the vernaculars and English/French?
How large is the market for books and journals in Pidgin? On page 435 we hear about "the abundance of publications which further helped the national coverage achieved by Bislama" - but nowhere in the book did I find any titles of these abundant publications except for the Bible.
As a reviewer I read a book more consciously and conscientiously which is a good exercise. This book offered me numerous occasions that made me stop and think: Pidgin is used as an inter-ethnic language (p.455) or for intertribal communication in PNG (p.334); it is used for intercultural communication (p.2) or inter-group communication (p.412), nationwide communication (p.444) or even daily inter-communication (is there such a word?) in Vanuatu (p.448); and Asian and Pacific immigrants in Hawaii use it for their inter-ethnic communication (p.14).
When discussing the choice of a national language, T&C ask (on page 459): "In particular, should an Austronesian or Papuan language be chosen?" - I doubt that any indigenous person in PNG ever asked that question. One should not project the fundamental difference between the Austronesian and Papuan (or rather non- Austronesian) language families onto their speakers whose cultures cannot be kept apart along the same lines.
First they relate someone's prediction before independence (on page 460) that "Tok Pisin ... would founder because of the special nature of Papua." [as opposed to the Territory of New Guinea] and on the same page they assure us: "Even though it [Tok Pisin] had an Austronesian language as its main lexical source, it remained associated with the Papuan world ..." - On page 471 it is even "a Papuan universe."
On page 471 they state: "Of the three major Melanesian pidgins it [Tok Pisin] is the one which is the most cut off from the Austronesian substratum ..." - In what way? Earlier (on page 460) they had admitted that "it [Tok Pisin] had an Austronesian language as its main lexical source." And isn't Tok Pisin the variety with the largest identified portion of its lexicon taken from an Austronesian language (Tolai)?
What about West New Guinea? Has Tok Pisin entered Irian Jaya? Is any other kind of pidgin spoken there, e.g. Pidgin Indonesian or Pidgin Javanese? Is it true that English instead of Tok Pisin is the lingua franca in the Trobriands?
I found somewhat unfortunate choices of terminology: "a deep Melanesian culture" (on page 424) - what does that mean? Are there shallow cultures?
"The size of the languages and cultures ..." (on page 470) - How do they measure it? By number of speakers or lexemes? The height of pyramids compared to totem poles?
Page 456 "... and the language of Australia, English." - I wonder how Australian Aborigines like that.
Page 7: I doubt that those ni-Vanuatu whose mother tongue is a Polynesian outlier language would like to be called "migrants."
Page 351: "... there were some 32,000 indigenous New Hebrideans involved as labour on British and French plantations ..." - What a nice way of putting it.
Page 406: "... and the not less pseudo-Anglophones." = what does that mean?
Page 452: "To propose that Bislama become the sole official language for budgetary reasons, rather than using English, French and Bislama, would be too expensive in terms of the cost of translation required." - Awkward wording since the proponents wanted to save money by doing away with translation.
Page 484: "... all the peoples of Island Melanesia ..." - as opposed to "mainland Melanesia" (the island of New Guinea)?
Pages 37f: If Bill Camden deserves a page in this book, why not Ulrike Mosel?
Page 52: acrolect was used several times before, but is finally defined here.
Page 61: Section 3.3 is a disappointing conclusion.
Page 113 why not quote Geraghty, Paul 1978: "Fijian dialect diversity and foreigner talk: the evidence of pre-missionary manuscripts" in: Schütz (ed.) 1978: "Fijian Language Studies. Borrowing and Pidginization", Suva: Bulletin of the Fiji Museum No. 4: 51-67 ?
Page 139 ... a Pacific Pidgin glossary ... covers much the same period as the NSW glossary ... This glossary ..." - which one of the two?
Page 143: The two top paragraphs bear no obvious relevance to the topic of this chapter, Pohnpei.
Page 179: "The language of the plantations was Fijian" - but which Fijian dialect?
Page 247: I doubt that lotu "church" and pope "Catholic" are lexical items exclusively shared by Samoan Plantation Pidgin and New Guinea Pidgin.
Page 323: "German New Guinea, also known as Kaiser Wilhelmsland ..." - I think the German term only referred to the mainland and did not include the Bismarck Archipelago. As can be seen on map 10 on p.500.
Page 342: "... in 1931, Malaita ... had a population of 40,000. As about 4,000 men were away working on plantations, 10% of the adult male population was absent in one year." - Makes you wonder how the population of Malaita could produce offspring.
Page 347: "The intense and sustained interaction between Solomon Islanders and the Allies [Americans, Australians and New Zealanders during the 2nd World War] reinforced the value of Pidgin as a language of wider communication ..." - Why, when these Allies spoke English and no Pidgin?
Page 351: "The language of plantation and associated maritime life was Bislama ..." - The authors should have made it clear that they do not refer to parts of the lexicon referring to agriculture and marine exploitation.
Page 381: "Vorzeigen der Rotekreuzflagge" should be translated as "Presenting the Red Cross flag"
Page 404: "... still living a traditional custom life ..." - replace custom by kastom or customary or delete it.
Page 451: "... but in a dramatic development the whole Master Plan [for vernacular education in Vanuatu] was about to be abandoned." - Why don't they unfold the drama and tell us what happened?
Page 448 Please include Masing 1992 under the References.
Page 456 "Faced with a multiplicity of small dialects [in PNG] ..." - two paragraphs further, the authors write about 750 vernacular languages in PNG.
Page 462: "Literacy was provided in the vernacular" - does that mean in all 750 vernacular languages of PNG?
Pages 468f: "... in certain semantic domains pidgins are progressively supplanting the local languages. This is evident ... in number systems, kinship terms, and subtle distinctions in flora and fauna." - I agree with the first point, but have not observed Bislama terms used much in the two other domains.
Page 472: "..., while in the Solomons the presence of a single colonial power ..." - but earlier they stressed that Germany had temporary possession of some islands in the North Solomons.
Page 483: "... oddities such as Palmerston English ..." - this made me curious, but there is no explanation or reference given.
Automatic index generation perhaps is to blame that e.g. under "Rotuma" I found a reference to "Rotuma islanders" in the text, but "Rotumans" or "Rotuman" was not listed in the index. Neither are language names like Samoan, Fijian, etc. They are at a disadvantage compared to languages whose names are the same as the places they are spoken in like Nguna, Mota, etc.
Abbreviations which were not listed on pp. xviii-xix: CC, CE, Gas., HPE, TMA; FPOL and NCAL. NCAL probably means New Caledonia for which NCA is used elsewhere in the book.
On pages 156ff "mod" occurs which is nowhere explained. Does it mean "modern"? But then "DNGmod" would mean "modern usage in German New Guinea".
PM does not have the meaning on page 243 which is given in the list of abbreviations.
fn. 35 and 36 on p.152: "Fagauvea spoken on Uvea" and "FagaUvea spoken on Ouvea" - I would wish for a little more uniformity.
Pages 213f: I think it is sufficient to call the people of Kiribati either Gilbertese or i-Kiribati without inventing a third term such as Kiribatese.
Page 377: Write: "... from the period before the 1920s ..." instead of "... from the pre-1920s period ..." (Similar remarks apply to other phrasings throughout the book.
DUPLICATIONS, REPETITIONS AND SIMILAR INFELICITIES
The phrase "Vanuatu (formerly New Hebrides)" is repeated far too frequently.
Page 83: third sentence is almost identical to the 5th last sentence on p.67
Page 95: "various islands varied greatly"
Page 175: "This resulted ... of a major new industry. ... This was to result in a major expansion ..."
Page 241: the bottom paragraph sounded very familiar, it is largely a repetition of p.220
1st paragraph on page 285: First it is stated that "the items listed in the left-hand column of the table ... have not been observed ... since 1980" and in the next sentence they are said to be "no longer much in evidence today."
Page 295: The top paragraph repeats the conclusions already drawn in the top paragraph on p.287
Pages 321f: "... later Gilbertese labour was used. Later SPFC ..."
Page 325: "... two important functions, both as an important ..."
Page 331: Write "... because of law and order problems. These led ..." instead of "... because of law and order problems. In fact it was law and order problems which led ..."
Page 351: bottom paragraph is largely a repetition of 3.1.3.
Page 374: ... in addition to the base English-derived lexicon." - should it be basic?
Page 404: "... recently enrolled in the recently constructed ..."
Page 407: "... the most active in terms of evangelical activity."
Page 452: first paragraph already quoted as bottom paragraph on p.415
Page 456: "This ... situation created situations ..."
Page 457: The whole bottom paragraph is repeated on the next page, but then something is missing at the bottom of p.458.
TABLES AND DIAGRAMS
Page 47: "the diagram ..." - where is it?
Page 80: Perhaps the abbreviations should have been given in alphabetical order to make it easier finding them.
Page 82: "do not reflect the constant traffic between ... Sydney and New Zealand" - but this is indeed reflected in both tables.
Page 90: "To/From Tahiti": this empty column in the table is superfluous if all lines refer to it.
Table 5 stretching over pages 100-106 is far too long for my taste.
Page 184: percentages are easier to read when right aligned.
Page 186: totals are easier to read when right aligned.
Page 207: Why create columns for Ellice and Rotuma without putting any numbers there, when both were listed before alongside several other islands and island groups which are not listed in the table?
Page 241: 693 looks better if right aligned.
Pages 246f: six tables on these pages lack headings.
Page 278: 2nd and 3rd line should be aligned.
Page 327: acres are easier to read when right aligned.
Figure 8 on page 340: Write: "man years" instead of "years".
Page 341: "Labour numbers were fairly steady, see Figure 7." - The figure shows the total number of indentured labourers rising from approx. 4500 in 1913 to 6300 in the next year, only to dwindle back to 4200 in 1915 and then rise back to 6300 in 1916; down again to 4200 in 1917, and so on.
Page 350: 2nd line should be aligned.
Page 387: heading of 3rd column missing (Tolai gloss?) in table at bottom of page.
I add a list of typos which may be of more interest to the editors and users of the book than to the readers of this review.
Page 14: Write: "5.4.3" instead of "5.3.3 "
Page 43: Write: "brings " instead of "bring "
Page 56: 10.2.2.1 should read 10.1.2.1, and 10.2.1.2 should perhaps read 10.1.1.2
Page 57: 10.3.3.4 should read 10.1.3.1.4.
Page 90: 2x sugar
Page 93: delete stop before bracket "all. (Maude ...)."
Page 96: "7 tuns" should probably be "7 tons"
Page 96: delete space before comma: Kiribati ,
Page 108: write "island of Efate" instead of "islands of Efate"
Page 116: delete "monolingually or"
Page 153: There is no section 7.3.6 - should the reference point to 7.1.6?
Page 190: Write: "Erromango" instead of "Erromanga"
Page 192: Write: "the recruiting of a constant supply..." instead of "the recruiting a constant supply ..."
Page 195: put space between "Handels-" and "und"
Page 200: Write: "his New Hebridean workers..." instead of "his New Hebrideans workers ..."
Page 215: Write: "what was to become Melanesian Pidgin English ..." instead of "what were to become Melanesian Pidgin English ..."
Page 217: Write: "A leading figure in this period ..." instead of "A leading figure it this period ..."
Page 218: Write: "throughout Vanuatu ..." instead of "throughout the Vanuatu ..."
Page 223: Write: "In this chapter we ..." instead of "In this chapter is we ..."
Page 224: correct quote should be: "Foster, Monaghan and Mühlhäusler (in press)"
Page 229: Write: "The examples ... cover the period ..." instead of "The examples ... covers the period ..."
Page 253: Write: "Rotuma also played ..." instead of "Rotuma was also played ..."
Page 258: Write: "... Wales, was also ..." instead of "... Wales,was also ..."
Page 273: Write: "... come here?" instead of "... come her?"
Page 276: Write: "... at least, ..." instead of "... a least, ..."
Page 277: Write: "... non-Standard ..." instead of "...non- Standard..."
Page 288: Write: "He wasn't old, he was just like you." instead of "He wasn't old, the was just like you."
Page 288: Write: "... come here?" instead of "... come her?"
Page 303: Here they write Malekula with an e, on the next page it is Malakula with an a.
Page 304: Write: "Ambae" instead of "Aoba"
Page 321: Write: "Informal agreements ... were ..." instead of "Informal agreements ... was ..."
Page 327: I think a date is missing here: "... just as it was in [year?] when ..."
Page 337: delete stop before bracket "plantations. (1987:133)."
Page 337: delete stop before bracket "Solomons. (1987:138)."
Page 344: delete space before bracket "... Hebrides.)."
Page 349: Write: "... off the south-eastern tip ..." instead of "... off the the south-eastern tip ..."
Page 352 + 551: Write: "Shlomowitz" instead of "Schlomowitz"
Page 352: Write: "... Solomon Islands and PNG." instead of "... Solomon Islands and Vanuatu."
Page 352: Write: "..., so too does the quality ..." instead of "..., so to does the quality ..."
Page 352: Write: "nambangga" instead of "nabangga"
Page 386: Write: "ripe, mature" instead of "ripe,mature "
Page 402: Write: "ton of copra" instead of "tonne of copra"
Page 403: Write: "... the Melanesian Mission had chosen Mota, ... " instead of "... the Melanesian Mission chose Mota, ... "
Page 416: Write:"...Appendix). There ..." instead of "...Appendix).There ..."
Page 420: Write: "national/nationale" instead of "national/national"
Page 434: Write: "malvatumaori" instead of "malfatumauri"
Page 460: Write: "Besena" instead of "Besana"
Page 475: Write: "vernacularising" instead of "vernacularisng"
Page 486: "Niu Hebredis", but on the following page it is spelt "Nyuhebredis" in one word
map 12 on page 502. Write: "Hansemann Coast" instead of "Hansemaan Coast"
map 12 on page 502. Write: "Kaiserin Augusta" instead of "Kaisenin Augusta"
Page 556: Palmerston Island listed twice in Index
Page 557: write 103 instead of 102 under "Rotuma"
Page 557: add 110 under "Rotuma"
ABOUT THE REVIEWER:
ABOUT THE REVIEWER
Hans Schmidt, Abteilung fuer Indonesische und Suedseesprachen, Asien- Afrika-Institut, Universitaet Hamburg, taught from 2000 to 2002 at the University of the South Pacific, Emalus Campus in Port Vila, Vanuatu.