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Academic Paper

Title: Sisterhood in prosodic branching
Author: Sara Myrberg
Institution: Stockholm University
Linguistic Field: Phonology
Subject Language: Swedish
Abstract: This article discusses the syntax–prosody interface, drawing on evidence from Stockholm Swedish. It is shown that a Swedish main clause containing an embedded clause has three prosodic correlates, two of which are non-isomorphic to the syntactic bracketing. However, two coordinated clauses have only one – isomorphic – prosodic correlate. Optimality-theoretic constraints (Prince & Smolensky ) are used to derive this variation. A new markedness constraint, ES, is argued to be responsible for a preference for flat prosodic structures. This constraint requires that sister nodes in prosodic structure belong to the same prosodic category, and therefore sometimes conflicts with constraints, which call for syntax–prosody correspondence (Selkirk , ). When high-ranked, ES forces syntax–prosody non-isomorphism if the input syntactic structure contains embedding, whereas full isomorphism is predicted in coordinated structures. The previously suggested markedness constraints N and E (Selkirk ) cannot replace ES, and in the present account are rendered redundant.


This article appears IN Phonology Vol. 30, Issue 1, which you can READ on Cambridge's site or on LINGUIST .

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